Members of Congress and lobbyists for
employers have been concerned about the potential effects on employers of the
House and Senatefs gplay-or-payh provisions. But, if several recent studies are
to be believed, it is workers who ultimately will pay to play.
The House
and Senate bills each include the following gassessmentsh or gpenaltiesh on
employers that do not offer their workers health insurance:
•
House—Effective Jan. 1, 2013, employers with annual payrolls exceeding $750,000
would be assessed a tax of 8% of their payroll.. Employers with an annual
payroll of less than $500,000 are exempt and the gpenaltyh grows at 2%
increments for payrolls between $500,000 and $750,000.
• Senate—Effective
Jan. 1, 2014, employers that have at least one full-time worker who receives a
tax credit for health insurance obtained through a health insurance exchange
would have to pay a tax of either $750 for each full-time employee or $3,000 for
each full-time employee who is receiving the tax credit. Employers with 50 or
fewer employees are exempt.
Although these assessments on employers are
labeled as gpenaltiesh on employers, it is workers who most likely will pay for
the gpenaltyh through reduced wages, contended Bradley Herring and Mark V.
Pauly, professors at the Johns Hopkins University Bloomberg School of Public
Health and at the University of Pennsylvania Wharton Schoolfs Health Care
Systems Department, respectively.
They further argued in the article,
gPlay-or-Pay: Insurance Reforms for Employers—Confusion and Inequity,h that
those health care reform provisions not only would not address existing
inequities, but that they also gcould add further inequities to our system.h The
article was published in the January 6 New
England Journal of Medicine. Mr. Herring and Mr. Pauly pointed out that
workers would prefer gplayh over gpayh as their wages rose because the higher
the workerfs income, the greater the tax preferences for employer-provided
health insurance, while the tax subsidy to purchase health insurance through the
exchange decreases and eventually would not be available.
gEmpirical
economic research has provided strong evidence that there is an implicit
tradeoff between cash wages and health insurance benefitscworkers actually pay
for the cost of their employersf contributions to their health insurance by
receiving wages below what they would have received had not employer health
insurance been offered,h according to a report prepared by the Urban Institute and released at
the end of last year. gThe lower wages of small-firm workers imply that they are
far less able to pay for health insurance through wage reductions; consequently,
their employers are less likely to offer them such benefits.h
The
report, gWhat Would Health Care Reform Mean for Small Employers and Their
Workers?,h also concludes that neither of the two billsf tax provisions would
impose gsubstantial new financial burdens on small businesses.h
With
respect to the health reform funding scheme, the Housefs 5.4% surcharge on
families with incomes over $1 million and individuals with incomes over
$500,000, analyses by the joint Urban Institute-Brookings Institution Tax Policy
Center (TPC) found that just 0.2% of all tax gunitsh and 0.9% of tax gunits with
business income potentially would be affected should the surtax become
effective, as proposed, in 2011. Those figures would rise to 0.5% of all tax
units and 1.6% of all tax units with business income in 2019. The Senate
proposal to increase the Medicare hospital insurance (HI or Part A) tax,
potentially would apply to 1.5% of all tax units and 3.4% of all tax units with
business income in 2013, the proposed first year of implementation, and to 2.4%
of all tax units and 5.1% of all tax units with business income in
2019.
For all practical purposes, the proposed tax assessment/penalty
that would be imposed on employers that do not offer health insurance to their
employees would affect very few employers, the Urban Institute researchers
concluded based on available data. According to Census Bureau data on U.S.
businesses, 87% of the more than six million firms in the U.S. in 2006 had
annual payrolls below $500,000 and that proportion would increase by 2013. These
small firms would face no tax assessment (or penalty) for not providing health
insurance to their workers.
Another 4% of businesses in 2006 had annual
payrolls that fell between $500,000 and $750,000, and would have been subject to
a reduced tax assessment, had it been in place in 2006. The 9% of firms with
payrolls exceeding $750,000 (the very largest firms), in 2006 and who would have
been subject to the full tax assessment had it been in place, represented 77% of
total employment that year. Because the larger firms typically offer health
insurance anyway, they would not face a tax assessment for not offering health
insurance.
So, whatfs to worry?